[PPT] - and some of his Indo- European colleagues Katsiaryna Ackermann SLS PowerPoint Presentation

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The Slavic ‘guest’ and some of his Indo- European colleagues

Katsiaryna Ackermann SLS 15, 4 - 6 September 2020

RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

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Katsiaryna Ackermann - katsiaryna.ackermann@univie.ac.at 2

PSl. *gost-ĭ- (m.)

OCS, ORuss. gostь, Bulg. gost, B/C/S gȏst, Gen. gȍsta, Slov. gȍst, Gen. gósta, P gość, Č. host, USorb. hósć, Ukr. histʼ, etc. UNEQUIVOCAL COGNATES

Goth. gasts, OHG gast, ON gestr, OE giest, etc. ‘stranger, guest’, ‘enemy’
Lat. hostis (m., f.) originally ‘stranger’, later ‘hostile stranger’, ‘enemy’

(Walde/Hofmann, 661-662)

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HITHERTO PROPOSED ETYMOLOGICAL LINKS 1.‘someone standing aside’ < PIE *gho-sth2-i- << *ghe/o- ‚this‘ + *st(e)h2- ‚stand‘ Heidermanns 2002, 190

2. ‘someone affiliated by

meal’ < PIE *ghos-t-i- to √*ghes- ‚eat, devour‘ Eichner 2002, 155; NIL 173, Fn. 2

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1. < PIE *gho-sth2-i- << *ghe/o ‚this‘ + *st(e)h2 ‚stand‘

Is rejected by a majority of scholars mainly since this appears to be an unparalleled (mechanic) construction of an otherwise unattested morphological pattern. In PIE, pronominal stems are never found as the first member of a verbal governing compound.

2. < PIE *ghos-t-i- as an -i-suffixed possessive adj. ‘pertinent to a meal’ to a hypothetic
t- suffixed acrostatic abstract noun ‘meal’ of the root *ghes- ‘eat, devour’, attested only

in IIr. with reference to humans and animals. ‘guests’ = ‘those belonging to a meal’ The o-grade of the root could theoretically be obtained from a causative, or a substantivization product with a thematic suffix, but in IIr. there’re no such formations. Few derivatives of the root show a zero-grade ti-abstract stem, as in compounds, Ved. - gdhi-, (EWAIa I, 514), and a lengthened grade cf. Ved. ghāsá-/ghāsí- m. ‘feed’. COMMENTS ON MORPHOLOGY OF BOTH PROPOSALS

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EARLIEST OCS ATTESTATIONS

gosti(nь)nica f. (Ass, Supr, ViConst, HomGr) for Gr. πανδοχεῖον / Lat. hospitium

(SJS I, 427)

gostьnikъ (Sav L 10,35),

gostinьnikou (Mar, Ostr), gostinnikou (Zogr, Ass L 10,35) ‚guesthouse proprietor‘ Earliest occurrence of “guests” :

The “Treaty of Great Prince Igor with the Greeks” (Laur 15v-16r)
Texts of the oldest ESl. legal code „Russkaja Pravda“ since the 2nd redaction
Later (East)CS, as Supr (11th c.), ViConst (in the 15th c. copy) HomGr (13th c.)

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Katsiaryna Ackermann - katsiaryna.ackermann@univie.ac.at 6

Laurentius Chronicle 15v-16r

Svod zâkonu̇v slovanskŷch

H. Jireček, v Praze 1880

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OCS, ORuss. gostь

ORuss. prigostiti ‘make a profit’, ‘make a bargain’ (“Russkaja Pravda”)
Late OCS gostiti (Supr) ~ Gr. ξενίζω ‘host , entertain’
ORuss. gostínoe (adj. n.) a quasi-terminus technicus for ‚customs duties‘
„vělikъ gostinecъ“– ‘major trade route’ (not “road for guests”)

(Supr 323, 23; 537, 20 and “Russkaja Pravda”)

gastynec dial. Ukr., Bel. ‘main road’; ESl. dial. ‘souvenir brought from elsewhere’
ORuss. pogostъ (m.)
riginally ‘trading venue’ → ‘place for the church’ → ‘church community / parish’
cf. SSl. trg as a traffic area ← ‘trade’ cf. Lith. tu gus, Alb. trege ‚marketplace‘

LIT: Ključevskij 1956, 128; Ključevskij 1959, 252-253; Juškov 1935; SJS I, 428; SCSRJa 1847, 284.

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HOSTIS AND THE RELATED WORDS IN LAT.

hostis ‘stranger’, later narrowing to ‘hostile stranger’, ‘enemy’

semantic development in the light of ‘receiving’ and ‘paying back’, a reciprocal performance / attainment of ‘exchange’ as payment or warranty service

hostīre ‚to compensate, requite‘
hostia ‚substitutive sacrificial victim‘
hostus ‘the yield of olive from a single pressing’ ~ OHitt. kāššaš ‚in exchange for‘

in the context of animal sacrifice < *Ghe/os- ‚to take, give in exchange‘ + PIE *ĝhes(o)r- ‚Hand‘ (per Eichner, s.b.)

LIT: De Vaan, EDL; Walde/Hofmann, LEW I, 661-662; Vine 2006, 144; Eichner 2002, 155-156.

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GERMANIC CONTINUANTS AND THEIR SEMANTICS Both semantic developments: (1) ‘stranger’ and (2) ‘hostile stranger’ → ‘enemy’, as in Lat. 1) Heroic epos: a certain code of hospitable conduct (≠ medieval hospitium) BUT: per “Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde”

the sources suggest no general ‚obligation of protection‘ towards those appealing for hospitality.

2) Many occurrences, have an explicit hostile connotation, e.g.: In OE „Beowulf“:

gist/gyst (163v6:1524, 179r20:2230, 161v15:1443),
in composition with the first member gryre- ‘gruesome’
feðe-gestum clearly a ‚foot soldier‘ (173r18:1979, etc.)

ON gestr is by no means an invited guest

LIT: 2RGA 10, 465f; Kiernan 42015. Electronic Beowulf. Online-edition; Johansen 1950, 106-107; Gering 1971, 332; 2RGA 10, 463.

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SOME SOCIO-ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSIGHTS

What may be understood under ‘individual tourism’ in antiquity, particularly in the

barbarian European world?

What kind of non-militant intercultural communication is reflected in the earliest written

sources? − Group/community affiliation → rights on support and protection − Antithesis own vs. foreign (or inside-outside-relation)

most important in social anthropology
significantly molds the attitudinal and behavioral patterns

− Safe mobility needed an intelligible goal and a warranty − Historical records speak for primarily the economic driving force of travel − Exchange is basic to all socio-economical and sociopolitical spheres:

the most basic form of interaction and trade,
compensation for sustenance, housing or protection while on journey,
a suitable gift ensures successful diplomacy

LIT: Jancke 2013, 446f, Lévi-Strauss 1970; Scheidler 1852, 325-339.

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DIPLOMACY OF RECIPROCITY 4 (3-4)

… … góðs um oðis, ef sér geta mætti,

rðz oc endrþǫgo.

marks of good will, fair fame if ̛tis won, and welcome once and again (Bray 1908, 62-63) Mit guter Begegnung erlangt man vom Gaste Wort und Wiedervergeltung (Simrock 61876, 37)

LIT: Neckel/Kuhn 51983, Crawford 2019, Bray 1908, 62-63, Simrock 61876, 37.

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"The Stranger at the Door" (1908), W. Collingwood

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ON Hávamál (Part of Elder Edda)

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DIPLOMACY OF RECIPROCITY

41 [40] (1-4) With raiment and arms shall friends gladden each other, Fiár síns, er fengit hefr, scylit maðr þǫrf þola;

pt sparir leiðom, þatz hefir liúfom

hugat, mart gengr verr, enn varir. so has one proved onself; For friends last longest, if fate be fair, Who give and give again. (Bray 1908, 72-73) Freunde sollen mit Waffen und Gewändern sich erfreun, Den schönsten, die sie besitzen: Gab und Gegengabe begründet Freundschaft, Wenn sonst nichts entgegen steht. (Simrock 61876, 42)

LIT: Neckel/Kuhn 51983, Crawford 2019, Bray 1908, 72-73 Simrock 61876, 42.

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"The Stranger at the Door" (1908), W. Collingwood

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ON Hávamál (Part of Elder Edda)

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OTHER TRACES IN GERMANIC NORTH EAST A form of obligatory „exchanges“ is reflected in tribute payments including hostages

n the part of the Baltic and Finno-Ugrian population as a common practice to avoid

severe lootings by the Scandinavian Germanic clans, controlling the East Baltic region.

Cf. also Latv. pagasts (a Slavic loan) ‘gathering of peasants for the delivery of taxes’.

LIT: Korhonen apud Johansen 1950, 106-107; Vasmer II, 382.

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GREEK

Gr. ξένος Dor. ξένϝος, Myc. ke-se-nu-wo- ‚guest‘/‘host‘ (reversible!)

foreign person; mercenary’ < *ξένFος < *Ghs-én-wo- of √ *Ghe/os ‚to take, give in exchange’ DERIVATIVES IN PARALLEL CONTEXTS

ξενίς, (-ίδος) (Delph. IIa) ‘road leading into foreign countries’
vs. OCS gostinьcь
τὰ ξένια (substantivized adj. pl.) (Hom.) ‚guest souvenirs‘

= Myc. ke-se-nu-wi-ja (about textiles or oil)

vs. OCS gostinьcy
ξενίδιον (n.) ‘small hostel‘
vs. OCS gostinьnica

LIT: Beekes, EDL „ξένος“; Frisk 1972, 333-334; Chantraine 1980, 764

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ALBANIAN húaj ‘foreign’ occurs exclusively with a prepended article i Demiraj (1997, 204) compares it to

Formation of the possessive pronouns: i júaj (2pl.m./f.) of ju ‘you’(2pl.)
Formation of the possessive genitive, e.g. fund ‘end’ vs. i fundit ‘of the end’

< *ks-ē̂/ō̂n-jo- < PIE *Ghs-ó-Hn(H)- vel. sim (with the possessive (Hoffmann)-suffix) ‘endowed with Ghs’. If this etymology is true, Alb. húa, huá, uhá f. ‘loan, surety’ would also belong here.

Cf. Celt. and Baltic Finn. borrowings from the Germ. derivatives of the i-infixed root

allomorph:

OIr. gell (n./m.), Ir. giall explicitly ‚pledge, surety’
Eston. kihl ‚pledge, stake, bride gift‘, Livon. kī’l ‚pledge, engagement gift‘

LIT: Ackermann 2016 [2020]; Beekes EDG, Demiraj 1997, 60, Frisk1972, 333-334, Hoffmann 1955, Huld 1984, 76, NIL 173, Fn. 2, Jokl 1932; Pisani 1959, 119, 203-204, Orel 2000, 16-17.

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FURTHER COGNATES AMONG I-INFIXED ROOT DERIVATIVES i-infixed root variant PIE *Gheys-:

Langob. (Edictus Hrôtharit 172) gîsel / gîsil ‚‘gift recipient’, ‘surety, witness’ cognate to:
OHG gīsal ‘hostage’ (9th c.), ON. gísl, OE. gīsel, m.

+

OIr. gíall, MCorn. gwystl, OCorn. guistel ‘hostage’ on the basis of PIE *Gheys-(t)-lo-

parallel to a zero-grade derivative of the root *Ghis- in

OIr. gell, n./m., Ir. giall ‘pledge, surety’ (in legal sources)

DIL (III, 61) notes: „In Laws of the pledge of some valuable belonging, given as earnest of payment from debtor to creditor who fasts on him.”

The current alternative etymological explanation of Celt. and Germ. as from the root meaning ‘to wish’ is per general consensus an emergency solution.

LIT: Ackermann 2016 [2020]; Kylstra 1996, 88-89 with lit.; Meyer 1877, 28; Bruckner (1895, 206); EWAhd (IV, 382); DIL (III, 61).

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A REVERSIBLE PAIR: ‚HOST‘ AND ‚GUEST‘ IN CROSS SURVEY

Gr. ξε(ι)νόομαι (in many dialects) can denote both:

‘to treat / host someone as guest’ AND ‘be treated /accomodated as a guest’

Gr. ξένος : both meanings already by Homer and visible in later Bible translations:

~ Goth. Gasts ‘guest’ (Mt. 25,43) / waírdus ‘host’ (Rom. 16,23)

OHG gast renders once ‘foreign’, the other time Lat. hospes in its original word-

formational meaning ‘host’ (< *ghost(i)-poti- ‚guest-master‘ cf. Ved. átithi-pati-)

Lat. hospes once ‘host’, the other time ‘guest’, Paelign. hospus is just ‘foreign’
OCS gostiti – still denotes the giving hypostasis ~ ModRuss. ‘stay as a guest’

LIT: Forssman 1998, 121-124, Walde/Hofmann I, 660-661, de Vaan EDL ‘guest, visitor; host, entertainer’, Streitberg 4/51965, Lehmann 1986, 149; Frisk 1972, 334.

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GUESTS AND GUEST ADMINISTRATORS AS A SOCIAL STRATUM IN GERMANIC AND SLAVIC COMMUNITIES

ORuss. gostь (16th c.) and Langob. ga

gastald stald(o) (o) (= OBav. castaldius)

had similar functions and qualifications for the nomination: both offices held wealthy subjects of the prince/the king, who obtained responsibility for the financial, i.a. tax and fine administration

Langob. ga

gastal tald(o) (o) (Edictus Hrôtharit, 643 AD)

A backformation of the verbal governing compound *gastaldan < *gast-waldan ‘acquisition-manage’ with *waldan ‘control, dispose of’

cf. OSax. waldan, OHG waltan ‘control, govern’

the loss of the initial w- in composition is regular,

cf. Langob. PNs in -(о)ald < wald (in Bruckner 1895)

parallel to Sl. vlad- / ESl. volod- in compound PNs, like Vladi-mirъ or Vlаdi-slavъ

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GUESTS AND GUEST ADMINISTRATORS AS A SOCIAL STRATUM IN GERMANIC AND SLAVIC COMMUNITIES

ORuss. gosti (historically speaking wholesalers, whose wealth was accumulated

through trade with foreign countries over generations) in the 16th c. are also:

financial administrators of the prince
nominated for a certain period of time
whose travelling experience was of use for the purpose of tax revenues in distant

pogosts.

? A farther parallel to ON gestir (10th/11th c.)
part of the king’s retinue,
came from foreign clans
responsible for various tasks in the name of the king, related to travelling

LIT: Bruckner 1895, 317; 2RGA 10, 465 with lit.; de Vries 1961, 165; Ključevskij 1959, 161-163; Meyer 1877, 288.

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MORPHOLOGY < *ĝhos-t-i- (1.) As a substantivized possessive i-suffixed Adj. of

-t-abstract noun *ĝhos-t- „exchange“ or
-to- adjective as in Lat. hostus “substitute”

(Cf. praenomen hostus as quasi “substitute child” and possibly in OHitt. kāššaš “in exchange for, as a substitute for” (Eichner o.c.) The corresponding formation in Sl. is traceable to ORuss. po-gostъ,

rig. ‘a barter trade venue‘

(2.) Alternatively the PIE proto-form can be an endocentric masc. i-derivative of a thematic adjective (per Vine 2006, 151) whereas according to Nussbaum (2004) the derivational semantics would be that of “one, that is X”.

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PHONOLOGICAL ISSUES If PIE r-stem *ĝhés-ōr/r ‚hand‘ to √*Ghes- ‘give and take in exchange’ belongs here → Sl. satem-form with the initial *ĝh were †zostь Cf.:

Lith. žãstas ‘upper arm’, Žem. ‘palm’
Ved. hásta-

< *ĝhósto- O/YAv. zásta-

OPers. dasta

BUT:

Sl. word family around the “one involved in barter-trade” is attested exclusively in

the centum-form i.e. with the reflex of the non palatal media [aspirata]. Is this a reason for the separation either of the word for “hand”

r of all Sl. continuants of the root?

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PHONOLOGICAL ISSUES 30 30-40 40 lexemes of Sl. inherited lexicon:

show divergent reflex of the PIE palatovelar, as what would be expected
have no direct source of a hypothetical borrowing from a centum-language

E.g.

PSl. *gǫsĭ ‘goose’ < *ĝhans-

vs.

Lith. žąsìs, Ved. haṁsá-
PSl. *běrgŭ ‘shore, river-bank’ < *bherĝh-o- vs.
YAv. bǝrǝz- ‘tall, high’, etc.
Cf. In detail Shevelov (1964)

LIT: ALEW 747; Shevelov (1964, 141-145)

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BORROWING ? A complete borrowing from Germ. is generally not assumed:

Cf. Kiparsky 1934, 68; Pronk-Tiethoff 2013 has no mention; Vasmer I 300;

Derksen EDSIL „*gôstь“, a.o.

TWO SEEMING FACTORS IN FAVOR OF A BORROWING:

Frozen ablaut of the root → but it is so in other IE continuants, as well, hence old
The unexpected centum-continuant of PIE ĝh → but consider the previous folio

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M. Vasmer, V. Kiparsky and others underscores the very ancient pattern of inflexion

and word formation, generally not found in the layer of Germ. loan words

If Germanic borrowing is assumed, the NGerm. root vowel reflex would have been

more expectable, whereas the EGerm. reflex (e.g. Gothic) is difficult to account for, since we have no evidence for any kind of interaction from supposedly 4th c. AD. Presumably:

Slavs were not that developed to be involved in hostage exchanges with the Goths
The Goths are not famous for their intensive and prevailing trading activities in the

East, and Goth. has no such meaning attested.

A later borrowing would mean that Varangian (transit-) travelers were occupied in

Garða-riki* exclusively with trade, as this meaning is in ESl. clearly the original. However, as well known, the relations of Varangians to the Slavic population went well beyond trade. *Garða-riki lit. ‘Fort-land’, a Scandinavian collective name for the Sl. fortified settlements

along the waterways

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FACTORS AGAINST

SLIDE 26

SOME MORE EVIDENCE

Sl. rather maintained the centum-form (PSl. *gost-ĭ) of the inherited lexeme due to

the intensive contact with the Germ. precisely in a word realized in the intercultural socio-economic discourse.

Arabic authors, e.g., Ibn Khordadbeh in the 9th c. in the “Book of Ways and Lands”,

couldn’t make difference between separate groups of “guests” from Rus’, either Germanic or Slavic speaking, coming to Bagdad from the North.

Ethnic diversity and the high percentage of NGerm. travelers
Cf. the names of gostie and sъly: ‘merchants’ und ‘envoys’ in the diplomatic mission of

Great Prince Igor to Byzantines (“Treaty of Great Prince Igor with the Greeks”, 945 AD): Sfirьka beside Alvardъ and Frudi, or followed by Egri, Roaldъ, Rualdъ, etc.

LIT: Barbier de Meynard 1865, Welichanova 1986: Jireček 1880.

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SLIDE 27

https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=1578382

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Major Varangian trade routes, till the 11th c.

SLIDE 28

CONCLUSIONS

There is no need to explain only a part of the widely scattered IE evidence of the

inherited PIE root.

The Sl. and Germ. material (as shown) perfectly fits the analysis argued for Lat.
The Sl. centum-continuant takes its place among several dozen others and is well

accountable due to the clearly intercultural context of its employment, precisely with the Germanic speaking counterparts.

PSl. *gos-t-ĭ as the ‘one involved in exchange’ as a mercenary, or a trader reflects

the reality of peaceful relations at the time of the development of Sl. independently from Balt. (which lacks the form) compatible with all derivatives attested in Sl. as well as parallel cases in Germ., Gr., Alb., Celt. and several borrowings outside the IE family.

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(1) The distant relation of the ‘guest’ as the ‘one involved in exchange’ (→ ‘exchange, i.e. barter dealer’ → ‘dealer’ generally) to the PIE r-stem ĝhés-(o)r ‘hand’ has a remarkable parallel in German Handel (since 13th c.) Identical semantic extension obviously recurred, starting from an originally differently motivated lexeme (OHG hant ‚hand‘ < *handu as ‚grasper‘) via the verb handeln. (2) S. Neri apud EWAhd IV, 99 suggested to connect Germ. ‘Gast’ to *ĝhes ‚Hand‘ as “den in der Hand – also im Schutz – befindlichen” ‒ “someone who is in one’s hand, ie. under protection”. BUT

The word for ‘hand’ to √ *ĝhes occurs solely as a r-derivative and is not visible elsewhere;
Such motivation is totally missing in any other IE derivative, or an idiomatic expression with a

positive connotation;

No legal text (either Germ., Celt., or Sl.) speaks of ‚protection‘, whereas the focus rather lies
n the liability of a hospes towards the settlement community for his guest;
The semantics of ‚protection‘ would also make it difficult to account for the development of

the negative connotation in Lat. and Germ.

LIT: Kluge/Seebold 2015, „Handel“, „Hand“

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POSTSCRIPTUM

SLIDE 30

Николай Рерих. «Заморские гости».

1901. Государственная

Третьяковская галерея, Москва

https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=21509654

Th Thank ank You

u

fo for att attention ention!

30

SLIDE 31

Alb. – Albanian
B/C/S – Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian
Balt. – Baltic
Baltic Finn. – Baltic Finnish
Bel. – Belarussian
Bulg. – Bulgarian
Celt. – Celtic
Č. – Czech
Dor. – Doric
ESl. – East Slavic
(East)CS – East Church Slavic
Eston. – Estonian
Germ. – Germanic
Goth. – Gothic
Gr. – Greek
IE – Indo-European
IIr. – Indo-Iranian
Ir. – Irish
Langob. – Langobardian
Lat. – Latin
Lith. – Lithuanian
Livon. – Livonian
ModRuss. – Modern Russian
Myc. – Mycenean
NGerm. – North Germanic
OAv. – Old Avestan
OBaw. – Old Bavarian
OCS – Old Church Slavic
OE – Old English
OHG – Old High German
OHitt. – Old Hittite
OIr. – Old Irish
ON – Old Norse
OPers. – Old Persian
ORuss. – Old Russian
OSax. – Old Saxon
P – Polish
Paelign. – Paelignian
PIE – Proto-Indo-European
PSl. – Proto-Slavic
Slov. – Slovene
SSl. – South-Slavic
USorb. – Upper-Sorbian
Ukr. – Ukrainian
Ved. –Vedic
YAv. – Young Avestan

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ABBREVIATED LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS

SLIDE 32

MANUSCRIPT ABBREVIATIONS

Ass ‒ Codex Assemanianus, HomGr ‒ Homiliae St Gregori Magni Laur – Laurentius Chronicle Mar ‒ Codex Marianus Ostr ‒ Ostromir Gospel Sav ‒ Savina Kniga Supr ‒ Codex Suprasliensis Zogr ‒ Codex Zographensis ViConst ‒ Vita Constantini

Katsiaryna Ackermann - katsiaryna.ackermann@univie.ac.at 32

SLIDE 33

BIBLIOGRAPHY (1)

ACKERMANN, K. 2016[2020]. “Root variation vs. root extension – a putative PIE -i-infix?” Historische Sprachforschung

132.

ALEW – HOCK, W. et al. 2015. Altlitauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. I, II. Hamburg.
BEEKES, R.S.P. 2010, Etymological Dictionary of Greek, (EDG) Brill. URL: http://dictionaries.brillonline.com/greek
BRAY, O. 1908. The Elder or poetic Edda, commonly known as Sæmund’s Edda. Part I. – The mythological Poems.

London.

BRUCKNER, W. 1895. Die Sprache der Langobarden. Brandl, A. et al. (eds.), Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach- und

Culturgeschichte der germanischen Völker 75, Strassburg.

CHANTRAINE, P. 1980. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire de mots. II. Paris.
CRAWFORD, J. 2019. The Wanderer’s Hávamál. Translated and edited, with Old Norse text and related texts. Indianapolis.
DEMIRAJ, B. 1997. Albanische Etymologien: Untersuchungen zum albanischen Erbwortschatz, Amsterdam [et al.].
DERKSEN, R. 2008, Etymological dictionary of the Slavic Inherited Lexicon (EDSIL) Brill.

URL: http://dictionaries.brillonline.com/slavic

DE V

AAN, M. Etymological dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages. (EDL)

URL: http://dictionaries.brillonline.com/latin

DE VRIES, J. 1961. Altnordisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Leiden.
DIL – JOYNT, M. / KNOTT, E. (eds.), 1950, Dictionary of the Irish Language Based mainly on Old and Middle Irish
Materials. Fasciculus III. F-fochraic, Dublin.
EICHNER, H. 2002, „Lat. hostia, hostus, hostīre und die Stellvertretende Tiertötung“, FS Neumann

Katsiaryna Ackermann - katsiaryna.ackermann@univie.ac.at 33

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