Level/Oblique Opposition and Raoyang Tonology Jinpang Song 1 - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Level/Oblique Opposition and Raoyang Tonology

Jinpang Song

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Goals

• 1. Raoyang Tonal Structure

Inadequacy of traditional tonal geometry The Theory of Contrastive Hierarchy

• 2. A Formal Analysis on Raoyang Tone Sandhi

OT Account

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Raoyang Dialect

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Map B2, the Language Atlas of China

Raoyang Tones: Phonetics

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Citation tone patterns and F0 curves:

Raoyang Tones: Phonetics

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Citation tone values: Two-tone sequence values:

Auditory Discrimination Findings

(1) T1, T2 neutralization

qing(T1)tian(T1) qing(T2)tian(T1)

“blue sky” “cloudless sky”

tian(T1)di(T4)  tian(T2)di(T4)

“heaven and earth” “farm”

(2) T3, T4 neutralization

mai(T3)fang(T2) mai(T4)fang(T2),

“buy a house” “sell a house”

mai(T3)mi(T3mai(T4)mi(T3)

“buy rice” “sell rice”

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Informal Tone Sandhi Patterns

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Phonology: Traditional Tonal Geometry

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Bao 1990

Raoyang Tones: Phonology

• 1. The predictability of register from sandhi position:

the feature for register in every category is redundant.

• 2. The representation of four tones with the pitch

feature: T4: fall [+raised, -raised] T2: high level [+raised, -raised] T1: low level [-raised, -raised] T3: rise [-raised, +raised]

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Raoyang Tones: Phonology

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Underlying Representation: Tone Sandhi Patterns:

Level/Oblique (LO) Opposition in Raoyang

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T1T2 T3T4

Inadequacy of the Traditional Tonal Structure

• 1. A node in feature geometry indicates a privative
• pposition by means of its existence(T3, T4) and

non-existence(T1, T2).

• 2. Pitch features are dependent on the node of
• contour. If T1 and T2 lack this node, they also lack

the pitch features. How would they be contrastive?

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From Bao 1990

Inadequacy of the Traditional Tonal Structure

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From Bao 1990

• 3. Itinerary application of a specification rule is

arbitrary. To account for the T3, T4 neutralization, a rule specifying opposite values for pitch 1 and pitch 2 has to be applied successively; a single application would result LO conversion.

Level/Oblique Conversion in Tianjin

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Trigger: contour dissimilation Target: LO conversion

A Possible Solution and Further Problems

The level/oblique (LO) feature, instead of a contour node, is capable of equipollent

• pposition.

The compatibility of contour node, pitch feature, register, and LO feature in one structure?

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The Theory of Contrastive Hierarchy

• 1. Contrastive Specification: the featural content of a

segment is determined by contrastiveness.

• 2. Feature hierarchy: specifications of features are not

made at one stroke, but in a certain order.

• 3. How is the hierarchy decided: those at upper level
• f the hierarchy have a bigger scope and their re-

specification may affect more phonemes.

Dresher, 2003a, 2003b

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Proposed Raoyang Tonal Structure

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• 1. Two independent features of LO and pitch are

present .

• 2. LO and the left pitch can predict the right pitch.

Raoyang Contrastive Hierarchy

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Regularity: Tone mapping is restricted to the pitch tier, while the LO feature remains constant.

OT Constraints: Faithfulness

• 1. Stability of the second tone:

IDENT-IO-T-HEAD: Tones at the head of prosody do not change.

• 2. LO opposition:

IDENT-IO-LO: LO feature does not change.

• 3. Stability of high pitch:

IDENT-IO-[+raised]: High pitch value does not change.

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OT Constraints: Markedness

• 4. The illegitimacy of T1.T1 and T3.T3

OCP-T: Same tones are not adjacent. *[-raised]: Low pitch is not allowed.

• 5. The illegitimacy of T1.T4 and T3.T2

*[-raised]/[+raised]: High pitch and low pitch are not adjacent. *[-oblique]/[+oblique]: Levelness and obliqueness are not adjacent. {*[-raised]/[+raised], *[-oblique]/[+oblique]}ADJ

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OT Constraints Hierarchy

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OT Tableau for T1+T1

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OT Tableau for T2+T3

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Conclusions

• 1. Analysis reveals LO Opposition in Raoyang,

which is equipollent in nature. A contour node

• f privative nature does not capture it.
• 2. LO feature is claimed to be present.
• 3. Contrastive hierarchy of Raoyang tones: two

features are organized into a hierarchy: LO>>pitch.

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Remaining Questions

• 1. Application of the Contrastive Hierarchy Theory

to a wide range of tone systems remains to be

• done. See Barrie 2007 for analysis on several

cases.

• 2. Theoretical compatibility with the

Underspecification Theory; Theoretical conflict with the UG Hypothesis and the Optimality Theory.

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Thank you!

songjinpang@hotmail.com

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