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OECD Labour Markets in the Great Recession Professor Christopher - - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Economica Phillips Lecture OECD Labour Markets in the Great Recession Professor Christopher Pissarides Norman Sosnow Chair in Economics, LSE Professor John Van Reenen Chair, LSE Suggested hashtag for Twitter users: #lsework OECD Labour


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OECD Labour Markets in the Great Recession

Professor Christopher Pissarides

Norman Sosnow Chair in Economics, LSE

Professor John Van Reenen

Chair, LSE

Economica Phillips Lecture

Suggested hashtag for Twitter users: #lsework

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C A Pissarides - London School of Economics 2012

OECD Labour Markets in the Great Recession

Christopher A Pissarides London School of Economics

The Economica Phillips lecture 9 February 2012

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C A Pissarides - London School of Economics 2012

Introductory remarks: Timings

  • Great Recession started with a downturn in housing

markets and financial failures, sometime in late 2007 or beginning of 2008

  • Although exact timing differed across countries, by the

time of the Lehman collapse in September 2008 all countries of the OECD entered some kind of recession.

  • Recession was at its most severe in late 2008 and early
  • 2009. In the UK and US one can identify January 2008

to April 2009 as the downturn in the labour market

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C A Pissarides - London School of Economics 2012

Objectives

  • I will focus on impact of recession by comparing

employment outcomes in 2009 and 2007. I will fit all countries into same framework and use annual data from the OECD.

  • No particular new theory – will use ideas from

conventional models to evaluate the impact of labour market institutions and policy on the response of employment and unemployment to the recession

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Overview of impact on employment and unemployment

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Employment response varied across countries

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  • 12
  • 10
  • 8
  • 6
  • 4
  • 2

2 4 6

IRE SPA EST ICE USA HUN NEZ OECD CAN FIN POR ITA UK DEN MEX EURO FRA EU KOR GRE AUS CZE BEL TUR SLV SLK JAP NOR SWE CHI SWI AUT ISR NET GER LUX POL

Per cent

Change in employment, %, 2007-09

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C A Pissarides - London School of Economics 2012

Allocation of negative shock between persons employed and hours also varied

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  • 12
  • 10
  • 8
  • 6
  • 4
  • 2

2 4 6 8

IRE SPA EST ICE USA HUN NEZ OECD CAN FIN POR ITA UK DEN MEX FRA KOR GRE AUS CZE BEL TUR SLV SLK JAP NOR SWE CHI SWI AUT ISR NET GER LUX POL

%change hours %change employment

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Unemployment response very similar to employment

  • 6
  • 4
  • 2

2 4 6 8 10 12

  • 2

2 4 6 8 10 12 Rise in unemployment Fall in employment

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Men suffered more unemployment than women

  • 4
  • 2

2 4 6 8 10 12 14

EST SPA IRE ICE USA TUR CHI HUN CAN DEN UK NEZ SWE EU POR FIN MEX SLV ITA CZE GRE AUS SLK FRA JAP AUT BEL NOR SWI LUX ISR NET KOR GER POL

rise in male unem rise in female unem

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Most job losses in industry

  • 0.4
  • 0.2

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 industry construction services agriculture % population aged 16-64

Job losses, 2007-2009

EUROZONE OECD

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But this ignores structural change

  • Structural change in both OECD and Eurozone was

destroying jobs in industry and agriculture and replacing them with jobs in services

  • If we predict where structural change would have taken

employment levels (by extrapolating 2000-07 trends for two years) we get completely different story

  • Making this correction also implies that the recession

caused a lot more job losses: aggregate employment was on an upward trend

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No job creation in services is the villain

  • 0.2

0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 1.4 1.6 industry construction services agriculture

Predicted job losses compared with employment levels if 2000-07 trends continued to 2009

EURO OECD

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Unemployment dynamics

  • To a very good approximation unemployment is equal to

the product of (new entry) and (average duration)

  • At the onset of recession, usually the cause of the rise in

unemployment is an increase in new entry – average duration might even fall

  • But as recession takes hold either new entry or duration

could be behind unemployment rise (and persistence)

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Cause of rise in unemployment, 2007-2010 (smaller sample)

  • 6
  • 4
  • 2

2 4 6 8 10 new entry change in duration

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Modelling employment

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Modelling employment

  • Simplest modelling framework (maximization of profit

with Cobb-Douglas production function) gives log change in employment as a linear function of log change in output and log change in cost of employing labour

  • Interpret current recession as a negative shock to

“organizational capital”. Not necessarily technology but something equivalent, something that facilitates the way that the factors combine to produce output

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Modelling cont.

  • Financial intermediation plays key role in organizational
  • capital. If it fails there is a negative shock to factor productivity

because factors don’t combine as efficiently

  • Output falls at given employment level
  • The cost of employing labour is a generalized cost concept

that might include costs in employment adjustment

  • Policy and institutions influence the generalized cost of labour

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Aggregate and sectoral shock

If the costs of adjusting employment, policies and institutions were the same across the OECD, then a simple regression of the fall in employment on:

– the fall in GDP to pick up the aggregate shock – the share of the construction sector to pick up the biased nature

  • f the shock

should explain outcomes well, unless wages responded differently in different countries

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Estimation results for fall in employment

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Coefficient

  • Std. Error t-Statistic Prob.

C

  • 7.41207 1.635064
  • 4.5332

0.0001 GDP_FALL 0.252299 0.085014 2.967725 0.0058 CON_SHARE 1.015114 0.20408 4.97411 R-squared 0.63656 Mean dependent va 1.750609 Adjusted R-squared 0.61233 S.D. dependent var 3.362289 S.E. of regression 2.093466 Akaike info criterion 4.402027 Sum squared resid 131.478 Schwarz criterion 4.538074 Log likelihood

  • 69.6335 Hannan-Quinn crite4.447803

F-statistic 26.27224 Durbin-Watson stat1.470418 Prob(F-statistic)

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Comments

  • The two independent variables explain a lot of the

variation in employment adjustment across the OECD (note endogeneity bias, small number of observations, 33 countries)

  • Differences in residuals interpreted as due to different

institutional arrangements (omitted variable the generalised cost of employing labour)

  • I report residuals both for employment regression and

regression for total hours and unemployment

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Deviation of employment change from predicted, %

  • 6
  • 4
  • 2

2 4 6

ICE USA IRE SPA CAN ISR FRA KOR NEZ TUR SLV BEL FIN DEN HUN AUS NET SWI UK NOR SWE EST CHI ITA POL CZE GRE AUT SLK GER POR JAP LUX

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Deviation of change in total hours

  • f work, %
  • 10
  • 8
  • 6
  • 4
  • 2

2 4 6 8 10 12 14

ICE IRE ISR USA KOR SLV CAN EST NEZ CHI TUR AUS POL FIN BEL FRA SLK AUT NET ITA UK SWI SPA CZE NOR HUN DEN GER SWE JAP GRE POR LUX

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Unexplained rise in unemployment

  • 3
  • 2
  • 1

1 2 3 4 5

SPA TUR USA CHI ICE ISR CAN SWE EST NEZ DEN SLV FRA SWI NET IRE UK AUS HUN KOR BEL NOR POL FIN CZE ITA GRE LUX AUT SLK GER JAP POR

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Country differences

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Major economies

  • USA consistently shows up as having bigger fall in

employment, bigger fall in hours and bigger rise in unemployment than predicted by the fall in its GDP and the size of the construction sector

  • Germany (and Japan) experience lower fall in

employment and smaller rise in unemployment than predicted but about right in fall in total hours

  • Britain: OECD average response on all measures

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Others

  • Spain (also Ireland, Iceland, Israel) have bigger fall in

employment and bigger rise in unemployment than predicted, but not bigger fall in hours

  • Portugal and Greece lower response on all three

measures

  • Luxemburg an outlier defying logic: very strict labour

market regulation but immune to recession

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United States

  • Initial impact of recession similar to previous ones (Hall

and others)

  • But in 2009 experiences persistence in unemployment,

long-term unemployment and jobless recovery (big rise in productivity)

  • Unique among OECD in that by 2009 longer durations

were contributing more to unemployment persistence than bigger inflow. In the rest of OECD new entry main reason for rise in unemployment

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Summarise US

  • Compared with OECD average and controlling for the fall

in GDP and the size of the construction sector, US experienced:

– Bigger fall in employment and hours – More burden of adjustment on employment than on hours per person – Despite this, rise in unemployment due more to longer durations than to new entry

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What does it mean?

  • Typical response of economy with employment laws that

impose no restrictions on firms and offering no incentives for labour hoarding

  • But suffering from rigidities on the workers’ side that

delay job acceptance

  • Combination of employer-friendly flexibility with frictional

rigidities in job search

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Beveridge curves

  • Beveridge curve “breakdown”, as interpreted by some?
  • More typical situation of a shifting Beveridge curve in

recession, reminiscent of European labour markets in the 1980s recession

  • Due to the increase in search frictions

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The US Beveridge curve, 2001-11

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1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 3.0 5.0 7.0 9.0 11.0 Vacancies %employment Unemployment %labour force

2009M4 2009M10

2008M10 2001M1

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Interpretation

  • Traditionally, US recoveries close to Beveridge curve –

in Europe they exhibited bigger loops: more search frictions in Europe than in US

  • If this recovery followed previous ones, unemployment in

US could be down to 6-7%

  • But unemployment not falling – why?

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Plausible causes

1. Structural change in recovery. Jobs created in different locations from the locations of those destroyed. Traditional response in US is labour mobility, mobility now down substantially (less than half) due to home ownership and depressed housing markets 2. Extension of unemployment benefit: creating more disincentives than higher replacement rates of limited durations 3. Skill mismatch: financial crisis makes firms cautious about spending on retraining. More uncertainty in this recession

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Comparisons with Britain, 2001-2011

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0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 0.0 2.0 4.0 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 vacancies unemployment

US UK

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Comments

  • Comparable data collection methods since 2001 enable

good comparison

  • Britain reformed its economy in 1980s and 1990s and

the structure of the labour market is now very similar to US

  • But reaction to recession very different: Britain exhibiting

features of conventional depressed labour market, US features of a labour market with structural problems

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Lessons

  • In Britain, not much can be done with labour market

policy to improve labour market – institutions seem to function well, problem is macro environment

  • In US, evidence that extending UI in recession without

an active component dangerous for duration of unemployment

  • Returning labour market to traditional US-style flexibility

requires fixing the housing market

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Comparing with Germany:

GDP and total labour input

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  • 8
  • 7
  • 6
  • 5
  • 4
  • 3
  • 2
  • 1

United States Britain Germany

Percentage changes, 2007-09

GDP total hours

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Split of labour input between hours and persons

  • 8
  • 6
  • 4
  • 2

2 4 United States Britain Germany

Percentage changes, 2007-09

employment hours per worker

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Striking facts

  • Fall in GDP very similar, fall in overall hours dissimilar:

US much bigger fall than Germany

  • Fall in hours per person similar in US and Britain, a little

more in Germany

  • Striking difference is in employment adjustment: much

more in US than Germany, Britain in the middle

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Productivity as the shock absorber

  • Main adjustment that counterbalances labour changes is

productivity, not differences in final output

  • US had big increase in both hourly and per person

productivity, especially in services, Germany big fall in both, Britain small fall

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Reasons

  • Germany liberalised labour markets in 2000s, similar

reforms to Britain two decades earlier (the Hartz I-IV reforms)

  • Economy becomes more business-friendly, less

restricted by labour regulation and with lower duration of benefits to unemployed, increased active spending and benefit receipt conditional on strict search and work criteria

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Main difference between Germany and other two

  • Why did German employment fall less?
  • Industrial structure: Germany less reliant on financial

sector, export demand from Asia continued and in Germany it makes up a bigger share of employment – not likely to be important (fall in GDP similar, etc.)

  • Crucially: Germany had in place generous system of

wage subsidies and other active labour market policies

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German policy successes

  • Active policies in the form of

– Training, short term (e.g., how to apply for jobs and present oneself to employers) and longer term (skill acquisition) – Targeted wage subsidies – Start-up subsidies (support for 9 months, UI benefits plus some more) – Job creation schemes in public sector

  • Targeted wage subsidies

– Given to employers – Cover 50% of wage for 12 months with another 12 months “protection period” – Tailored to unemployed and disadvantaged groups

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Results of evaluation studies

  • Programmes effective in getting unemployed, especially

long-term unemployed and others with some other disadvantage, back to work

  • But probably no effect on re-employment probabilities in

non-subsidised employment

  • Pay off fiscally because of saving of unemployment

benefit and revenue from social security contributions

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Germany 2005-2010: impact of reforms on Beveridge curve

0.00 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.80 1.00 1.20 1.40 1.60 1.80 6.00 8.00 10.00 12.00 14.00

vacancies unemployment 2007M1 2005M1 2010M6 2008M9

  • Recovery 2005-2006,

following reforms (Hartz)

  • Fast recovery 2007-

2008M9 (up to Lehman collapse)

  • Recession 2008M9-2010

but response of unemployment small

  • Example of economy

becoming more flexible in 2007

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Evaluation

  • Unrestricted labour markets like the US and UK can give

rise to big increases in unemployment in recession

  • Long-term unemployment builds up, especially if benefits

are of long duration

  • German example shows that wage and start-up

subsidies can mitigate the impact of recession on employment

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To be recommended?

  • German policy good because it checks the growth of

structural unemployment – keeps people in work, even if it is at reduced hours and pay

  • But productivity falls
  • Is this bad for recession years? Would you give up

productivity gains for less unemployment

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Spanish labour market

  • Spain is an outlier in the other direction from Germany’s:

massive fall in employment and rise in unemployment, no fall in hours per person, with big productivity gains

  • All countries with very minor exceptions managed to

keep unemployment rise below GDP fall

  • In Spain unemployment increased by much more than

GDP fall

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Is the construction sector to blame?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 Per cent of working age pop.

Employment in the construction sector

Spain Eurozone

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Building bubbles

  • Employment in the construction sector up to 1996

follows same patterns as Eurozone

  • In 1996 it takes off, increase by 4 percentage points in

11 years

  • Quick return to Eurozone level by 2010

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Compare like for like

  • If we put both unemployment and the construction sector
  • n comparable basis, e.g., as fractions of total

employment, then

  • Unemployment up by 16 points (even more for men)
  • Construction employment down by 4.2 points
  • Numbers don’t add up!

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Wealth effects

  • Housing wealth a very large fraction of total wealth in

Spain (about 80%)

  • Is fall in wealth associated with construction bust to

blame?

  • If this were the case the impact would be on GDP, not on

employment over and above GDP

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Clear message

  • Clear message is that in Spain there is an institutional

structure in the labour market that leads to excess employment volatility

  • It affects women more than men
  • Young workers even more

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Employment protection

  • Spain is the most regulated labour market in Europe

(with the exception of Luxembourg)

  • Regulation is not only in legislation but also in trade

union agreements

  • It applies to permanent employees but also various other

forms of regulation apply to temporary contracts

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Employment contracts

  • Spain still has dual structure of contracts: older male workers

have too much protection at high wages

  • Employers too cautious about offering this type of contract to

new employees

  • Could cause a lot of volatility in times of uncertainty.

Employers rotate employees to avoid getting tied in to long- term contracts

  • Security of permanent contracts encourages unions to

negotiate high wages, and apply them to all workers

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Spanish reforms 2010-11

  • Worker dismissals for economic reasons made easier,

with 15-day notice

  • New more comprehensive employment-promotion

permanent contract introduced, with express dismissal procedure (33 days’ wages paid as compensation for each year of service)

  • Temporary contracts’ dismissal costs gradually raised

from 8 to 12 days’ wages for each year of service

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Further reforms

  • Non-wage costs of short-hour working reduced, following

successful policy in Germany

  • Private placement offices encouraged
  • Firm-level agreements with workers take precedent over

industry-wide agreements with unions but the latter can prohibit it

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Prospect of success

  • Reforms in the right direction but two key problems

remain

  • The dualism in the Spanish labour market is retained,

permanent contracts have more benefits than others

  • Collective bargaining still applies to all workers in the

industry

  • Unions need to be socially motivated for this system to

succeed; No evidence for this, real wages sticky even in the crisis

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Two reforms that could make a difference

  • Reforms in Spain have been piecemeal and on the margin,

have created a very complex system with different rules applying to different workers

  • Not good for employment – need to simplify contracts and

move economy to flexible free market

  • Introduce single contract – gets rid of dualism. Can have

gradually rising protection

  • Give priority to firm-based agreements over union collective

bargaining – effectively remove right of union to apply collective agreements to all industry

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谢谢!

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OECD Labour Markets in the Great Recession

Professor Christopher Pissarides

Norman Sosnow Chair in Economics, LSE

Professor John Van Reenen

Chair, LSE

Economica Phillips Lecture

Suggested hashtag for Twitter users: #lsework