The objective of this study is to analyze the formation of new urban - - PDF document

A demographic glance over the São Paulo Macrometropoli’s constitution: population flows, integration and complementarity1 Abstract:

The objective of this study is to analyze the formation of new urban morphologies from the demographic perspective, which is due not only to the formation of vectors of population expansion, but also, and mainly, by population flows, whether motivated by a change of residence or even by the development of daily activities. This article also seeks to contribute to the debate regarding the constitution of a new urban form, the São Paulo Macrometropolis, which still lacks better and broader discussion as well as theoretical and empirical delimitations. In a nutshell, we aim to show that this new urban form has a clear counterpart in the process of spatial redistribution and population mobility.

Keywords: population spatial mobility, metropolization, city-region, migration, commuting. Introduction: The studies on metropolization in Brazil are numerous. Departing from different standpoints, they find great challengesand help understand not only the conditions but, above all, the consequences of the metropolization process on the economic, social, political and demographic dimensions. It is precisely over this last dimension that the present article focuses on. Over the last decades, new phenomena that have come to suggest the constitution of new forms of urban agglomeration have been observed. Different from the metropolises establishedduring the industrial developmental period, some metropolises in the beginning of the XXI century no longer present a compact form, butinstead are characterized by the dispersion and fragmentation of the urban sprawli. They present great territorial extension and agglutinate municipalities of different sets and functionalities, as well as other urban

• agglomerations. This finding leads to some ponderings over the validity of traditional notions that seemed to

reflect the way large agglomerations and human settlements are structured in Brazil, for example, the concepts of center-periphery, deconcentration, etc. More recently, new proposals have been presented and discussed in order to understand how the population reorganizes itself in space. Notions such as "new peripheries," "dispersed or diffused urbanization," "concentrated-deconcentration", among others, have been used to describe and understand more complex socio-spatial configuration, and particularly its consequences. It can be said that in the core of this discussion, emerges the debate about the so-named "São Paulo Macrometropolisii", territorialization proposed by EMPLASA (São Paulo’s Company of Metropolitan Planning S.A.). Although this question had already been predicted by Souza (1978, apud SANTOS, 2005) in the late 1970’s, there is no doubt that only more recently the theme has gained prominence and became a motive for

1 This work was funded by the Center for Metropolis Studies (CEBRAP, USP), process nº 2013 / 07616-7, Foundation for

Research Support of the State of São Paulo (FAPESP). Opinions, hypotheses and conclusions or recommendations expressed are the responsibility of the author (s) and do not necessarily reflect the vision of FAPESP.

studies2 regarding a better conceptualization over its meaning. Especially, as is the case of the article, regarding the questioning about the complementarity between the São Paulo Metropolitan Area and urban agglomerations surrounding it, three of them, Campinas, Baixada Santista and Paraíba Valley, today official MAs (Metropolitan Areas) (EMPLASA, 2012). In fact, the phenomenon observed today needs further studies and explanationso we canunderstand not only its territorial dimension, but also how it will evolve. There seems to be no doubt that what is observed today is still the harbinger of this process, therefore, it needs to be better understood and

• conceptualized. Such question appears as a great challenge – and also an opportunity – for all managers and

planners, as well as for scholars of the subject. While this article does not intend to provide a broad discussion of the Macrometropolis’ constitution, bearing in mind that this would require the analysis of multiple dimensions as pointed out by EMPLASA (2012), it does intend to contribute to this process from the demographic standpoint, especially where it concerns the flow of people within this new region. As it will be presented setting out from thepopulation mobility analysis, there are evidences suggesting complementarities between the regions involved, especially regarding land and labor markets, even though we should recognize that there are remaining doubts about this phenomenon’s specificities in relation to what is observed in metropolitan areas3. In this sense, this article, while broadened in its theoretical reflections, was motivated by some reflections and analysis carried out in two larger studies about theSão Paulo Macrometropolis (CUNHA, 2013 and 2014) and intends to contribute to this debate. Thus, based on data from the Demographic Censuses of 1991, 2000 and 2010, the objective of this work is therefore to analyze how this so-named São Paulo Macrometropolis and the regional complementarity among its metropolises are characterized in terms of demographic movements, focusing on the population spatial mobility phenomenon. 1.The constitution of new urban forms Regional studies have vanished due to the crisis of the 1970’s and the strengthening of the theoretical perspective of structuralism with emphasis on the logics of the social production of urban space and its

• externalities. Even so, since Gottmann's (1961)4 studies many researchers have focused their investigations in

phenomena related to the transformations in metropolitan environments and their surroundings. However, it should be emphasized, in the last twenty years, due to the crises of capitalism, the so-named productive restructuring and the advent of globalization, researches that sought to understand socio-spatial transformations at the regional level, especially at the metropolitan scale, became effervescent and sought (and still seek) to understand the new logics of organization and structuring of metropolises. In this respect, important structural changes were observed around the world. They relate to the rise of

2 Moura’s (2009), Lencioni’s (2011ª, 2015) and Magalhães' (2008) studies, among others, try to comprehend the constitution of new

urban forms in Brazilian territory.

3 The metropolitan areas approached in this paper are the ones that were instated until January 2014. They are: São Paulo Metropolitan

Area (SPMA), Campinas Metropolitan Area (CMA) Baixada Santista Metropolitan Area (BSMA) and Paraiba Valley and Northern Coast Metropolitan Area (PVNCM

4 In 1961 Gottman studied megalopolises and their characteristics.

globalization, the diffusion of information technologies, the crises of nation states and Fordist accumulation. This profound restructuring led to the dismantling of national economies, due to radical economic liberalization based on State neutrality. These were followed by measures of economic deregulation, privatization, outsourcing and flexibilization of various labor areas. Together with the diffusion of new information and communication technologies (NICT), these restructuring measures, progressively incorporated the so-named developing countries into the globalized dynamics of the new phase of capital accumulation, described by Harvey (1992) as flexible. The technological and digital revolution that marked the end of the twentieth century brought Sassen (1993) to question whether the development of telecommunications and the rise of information industries would lead to the decline of importance ofplace or cities. She brings the question of whether the proliferation of these technologies would display the burdens of agglomeration economies in such a way that would lead to the escape

• f offices and factories from metropolitan areas to other less congested and costly areas. Still, many studies5 of

agglomeration growth over the last twenty years have shown that the answer to this question is uncertain and

• partial. In developed countries, economic activities show a dispersion, but new forms of territorial centralization

are observed as well. In the Brazilian scenario, from the 1990’s it was also possible to verify the recovery of the protagonism, growth and expansion of several metropolises, a phenomenon called by Davidovich (2013) as the "return of the metropolises". However, this resurgence was accompanied by profound changes in the Fordist metropolitan structure, which led several authors around the globe to create new nomenclaturesto describe the urban morphology that was emerging, such as: city-region (SCOTT, 2001), global city (SASSEN, 2001), exopolis (SOJA, 1994), diffuse city (INDOVINA, 1990), edgecity (GARREAU, 1991), Metapolis (ASCHER, 1998), among others. With the return of the importance of the metropolises’ role, the revaluation of the metropolitan soil also occurred. Due to the deep restructuring that surrounded these areas, the metropolitan area became the locus of decision and management centers, taking in as well the most dynamic productive sectors of the

• economy. Consequently, metropolitan space became the residence of the wealthiest part of the social sectors.

There is, therefore, a reorganization of the productive sectors in the urban environment, mainly the so- namedindustrials, that advance towards their surroundings. Also, there is a repurposing of their centers that currently start to harbor activities relating the “upper circle of the global economy”6. In the words of Lencioni (2011a, 2015), an actual metamorphosis occurs in the production of these spaces, that changes their meaning: The urban fact is surpassed by the expansion of the metropolitan fact. That is, the current period is marked by the diffusion of the space metropolization process, being that this process “is constituted within a phenomenon that goes beyond the territorial dimension of metropolises, but that refers, also, to ways of life and production”

5Studies such as Sassen’s (1991), Scott et al (2001), amongst others. 6 The mentioned upper circle refers to Santos’ (2008) urban economy circles theory. The author divides the urban economy in two circles,

so the upper circle would be the one “constituted by banks, commerce and export industry, modern industry, modern services, wholesales and transporters”. Meanwhile the inferior circle “is constituted essentially by fabrication forms, not ‘intensive capital’, by non-modern services provided by retail and non-modern, small scale, commerce.

(FORKOWSKI and MOURA, 2002, p.25)iii. These metropolises present “increasingly vast, heterogeneous, and discontinuous urban spaces, often formed by big cities, less and less connected to the regional economy while their interior is transformed in spaces of services and leisure” (ASCHER, 1998, p.16). And so we currently observe the production of a "dispersed”. It is intensely spread out and its new urban frontiers also enter the consumption logic, with objects scattered throughout its fabric, such as shops, cinemas, restaurants, closed residential condominiums, etc. (LENCIONI, 2011b). However, it should be noted that although the decline in the metropolises’ population density occurs due to the expansion of the metropolitan fabric, sometimes in this "metamorphosis" the old central areas of the Fordist metropolis tend to become even

• denser. They are permeated by urban transformations, they increase their value and begin to home a number of

third sector activities. It is in this integration, between the densification of certain places and the decline in density of others, that the spaces of the clusters tend to increase their discontinuities. It should be noted that, in addition to the productive restructuring process, many metropolises are undergoing the process of expanding the metropolitan fabric as well. However, today the logic of metropolitan fabric expansion is no longer related topopulation density growth in large urban centers, but is associated with the increase of intrametropolitan migration, as well as demographic changes in the composition of households, combined with the increase of land consumption per capita. Consequently, the phenomenon of population spatial redistribution in the metropolitan area contributes to the metropolitan area expansion and dispersion process. That is, even in periods of low population growth, the expansion of the metropolis’ urban sprawl remains, as demonstrated by Cunha (2015) for the São Paulo Metropolitan Area. It is important to remark that this expansion

• f the metropolitan area was accompanied not only by the increase in intrametropolitan migratory flows, but also

by the growth of commuting7. Therefore, the urban dispersion beyond the central metropolitan areas has had an effect on the increase

• f home to work commutes. Another characteristic ofthat urban clusters that were metamorphosed by the

metropolization process is that they expand and narrow their relations with neighboring agglomerations by expanding the flow of people, goods and information. As Ascher (1998, p. 9) puts it, "metropolises are thus at the same time more dilute and more compact, more integrated and more discontinuous."iv Consequently, it is through population spatial mobility that this work analyzes the formation of new urban morphologies. In other words, it analyzes what are the demographic counterparts that come with the design of new territorialities. In this sense, we raise the hypothesis that if the metropolization of space imprints new characteristics to the places, this also has effects in the spatial redistribution of the population and in people’s characteristics.

7 The commuting that were captured by the Brazilian Demographic Censuses indicate work or study as motives for flows between

residency municipality and the municipality were the activity takes place. Therefore, they reflect the concentration of these kinds of activities in certain spaces, what reveal a complementarity between agglomerations and/or city-region municipalities.

• 2. The metropolis’ metamorfoses: the constitution of a city-region in the state of São Paulo

As previously discussed, the metropolization expansion and its relation with global dynamics hasimprinted new characteristics to metropolitan environments and has configured a new urban morphology characterized by the agglomerations’ concentration of different dimension. However, it should be pointed out that the formation of this new urban form is marked by the convergence of old and new urban space structuring

• processes. As an example, the center/periphery expansion followed by centripetal population flows now coexists

with the expansion of the urban fabric beyond peripheral areas that dilute along the road axes and form a diffuse and dispersed agglomeration. In relation to this new form that emerges in the state of São Paulo, it is pointed out that its formation is related to the process of industrial deconcentration that begun in the 1970’s. Thus, the space metropolization process’ diffusion through the urban fabric of São Paulocontributed to the metropolitan metamorphosis and the formation of a new urban structure. Bearing in mind that such process was allied to the industrial deconcentration that first occurred towards the surroundings of the São Paulo Metropolitan Area (SPMA) and, later, towards other neighboring metropolitan areas and agglomerates.It should be noted that this fact reiteratedthe city of São Paulo’s primacy, due to the concentration of capital management activities in the city. In this sense, the preponderant role of circulation networks in this metropolitan diffusion process is observed. Thesenetworks allowedgreater circulation of material and immaterial flows8, which generated a greater integration and complementarity among several agglomerations of the state (LENCIONI, 2011). Therefore, theobserved phenomenon possibly cannot be termed only as a demographic and industrial deconcentration of large metropolitan centers towards medium-sized cities and other urban agglomerations, since the metropolitan areas in Brazil never lost their importance and still are the main poles of population

• concentration. But, what is observed in certain metropolitan areas is the constitution of new urban morphologies

caused by the expansion of the metropolization process. In this regard, Moura (2009) observes the formation of several "urban-regional arrangements" throughout the country, the most emblematic of which is the "urban-regional-arrangement of São Paulo", which extends and dilutes over a perimeter of approximately 200 km. It should be emphasized that the unmeasured territorial extension of this arrangement and its polycentric urban-regional quality9are related to the presence of a set of infrastructures present in the state. This allows an intense flow of people, trades, information, besides forming, as previously remarked, a polynuclear space due to the presence of ports, airports and the agglutination

• f different regional centers.

This metamorphosis, therefore, was provided by a set of general production conditions10, such as the road system dating from the 1920’s, the presence of a qualified labor market, as well as an infrastructure

8 Material flows are those materially formed, such as trade flows, people, etc. On the other hand, immaterial flows are constituted by

immateriality and are represented by information flows, etc.

9 Polycentric regions are characterized as urban areas with a variety of centers. 10 These general production conditions were established in the past. Is is noted that this concept was developed by Marx in The Capital.

Such conditions take on a set of indispensable infrastructures especially concerning industrial production, as well as a set of labor regulations, consume centers and residential areas for the working class (HARVEY, 1981).

system,science and technology poles and infrastructures already mentioned such as airports, production and locational decisions support systems, etc. (DINIZ and DINIZ, 2007). Thus, São Paulo and its surrounding regions, such as the Campinas and Santos Metropolitan Area and the area surrounding the municipality of São José dos Campos, through this process of space expansion and metropolization, productive restructuring and capital reproduction shift, started to perform new functions in the national and international economy, and formed a new urban morphology that is integrated through a space of flows, shared land use and infrastructures. For many, this area is known as São PauloMacrometropolis, a term used in institutional circles to define the mega metropolitan complex located in the eastern cone of the state of São Paulo and, according to Cunha et al (2013), the most important cities system in the country. It consists of 174 municipalities, divided into five metropolitan areas11, two urban agglomerate12 and two micro-regions13. In addition, this area occupies 20% of the state of São Paulo’s territory, where more than 30 million people live, and represents 73% of the state's

• population. It should be noted that the locality produces 83% of the state's wealth and 28% of the country’s

production (CUNHA et al, 2013). Another important point about this expanded regional urban complex concerns the circulation of both capital and information flows, as well as of people. Cunha et al (2013) point out that more than two million people carried outcommuting movements in this system of cities, about 14% of the economically active population. Moreover, in theSão PauloMetropolitan Area alone, approximately one million people immigrate or emigrate, which demonstrates itsimportance in the context of migratory flows. Nevertheless, the present work does not use the institutional term to define this morphology, which is now referred to as "city-region". In a synthetic way, it can be said that this new urban form materializes "the general conditions indispensable to the current productive restructuring, is strongly linked to the global economy and is characterized by containing economic structures, arrangements and dynamics that are complemented thanks to the information and communication networks" (LENCIONI, 2006, p.74)v. According to Scott et al (2001), the city-region formation relates, also, to the impacts caused by globalization in urban environments and productive spaces. The city-region, in its regional dimension, is characterized by flows of different dimensions, which cross different scales and polarize "a territory that surpasses the main agglomeration and unites other agglomerations and centers of the proximities, as well as rural spaces, in the regional insertion’s conduction in the social division of labor according to the demands of collective production"(MOURA, 2009, p.29)vi. Therefore, as in Lencioni (2003) and Magalhaes (2008), this work conceptualizes the city-region from the following premises: first, it is based on the understanding that the city-region can be understood as "the urban form of the metropolization process in its contemporary stage, that presents continuities and ruptures with previous processes - such as those that originated metropolises themselves in previous historical contexts "(MAGALHÃES, 2008, p.8)vii. Secondly, we emphasize that this morphology emerges in the era of advanced

11São Paulo Metropolitan Area, Campinas Metropolitan Area, Paraiba Valley and Northern Coast Metropolitan Area, Baixada Santista

Metropolitan Area and Sorocaba Metropolitan Area.

12Jundiai Urban Agglomerate and Piracicaba Urban Agglomerate. 13Bragantina Micro-Regionand São Roque Micro-Region.

capitalism and stands as a knot towards the globalized economy. Finally, we point out that the city-region is formed by the process of productive restructuring (LENCIONI, 2003). Figure 1:São Paulo City-region’s location and its regions.

Source: IBGE – Digital Municipal Thread – 2010viii.

In other words, the main city and part of its metropolitan area underwent a process of growth area

• saturation. Saturation islinked to the high soil cost, the high concentration of activities, people and the lack of

areas for urban expansion, that is to say, these factors appeared as a hindrance to the concentration of certain activities and to the capital accumulation process. Thus, several industrial complexes, new commercial typologies such as business and logistics condos, educational and research institutions and residential condominiums are now located in the fringes of metropolitan areas or in other urban agglomerates close to these areas. It should be noted that it is not only small and medium-sized cities that are integrated with the city- region conformation, but also other urban agglomerations and metropolitan areas that have their own internal dynamics and that integrate this morphology through a system of relation of flows and complementarity. This is the case of the city-region of São Paulo. In sum, the city-region is placed as the materialization of the process of metropolization, which metamorphoses the scale of the metropolitan space into the regional space. Therefore, metropolization constitutes a process of regionalization in shaping the city-region (LENCIONI, 2006). In general, this morphology is characterized by being "strongly linked to the global economy and

defined as containing economic structures, arrangements and territorial dynamics that are complemented by information and communication networks" (LENCIONI, 2006, p. 74)ix. It is in this sense that this work analyzes the formation of the São Paulo city-region: through the territorial dynamics that complement each other. These dynamics occur through the sharing of infrastructures, networks and services, that materialize in a space of flows (material to immaterial). However, the emphasis in this research is on the material flows, in particular, on the population’s spatial mobility.

• 3. Methods and materials

For this article, we used data from the 1991, 2000 and 2010 Brazilian Demographic Census (IBGE), especially the information on population size and population mobility, in other words, migration and commuting. Regarding the migration data, the census criteria was the so-named "fixed date", which defines migrant as the

• ne that 5 years previous to the census resided in another municipality. This choice is justified not only by

possibility to compare the three Censuses used, but also by some of the advantages of information, among them, an established fixed period of short term14observation (five years). With this data, it is also possible to estimate with precision the migratory balance (difference between immigrants and emigrants) and the average annual rate

• f liquid migration15.

From this information, it is still possible to classify the migrants in terms of what is called "migratory modalities". So, the migrants were divided into: Intrametropolitans, those who migrated to other municipalities within the region where they were living; Intra-CR (Intra-city-region), those that migrated to other regions within the City-Region of São Paulo, yet different from the previously resided agglomeration; and Intra-state (or Others SP), the migrant individuals from other states. The use of such classification is central in the argument of this study since it is assumed that not only the conditions, but also the individual or family motivations vary according to the context of origin of these movements. Lastly, with regards to commuting, there is a variation in the capture of this item in the 2000 and 2010 Censuses. In the first, the question solely aimed to determine whether or not daily commute for study or work was carried out, without separating them; yet in 2010 the separation of daily mobilities occurred, due to work or study. For this article, in order to make the analysis compatible, it was decided to gather the study and work mobility from the 2010 Census into a single variable, as in the 2000 Census, through the methodology proposed by Cunha et al (2013). The internal commuters correspond to those who performed the movement in municipalities within the region in which they live, the external commuters in other regions’ municipalities and the variation corresponds to the percentage variation between the commuters in both Censuses analyzed (increase or decrease).

• 4. The demographic counterparts in the São Paulo city-region’s constitution

The previous sessions sought to highlight some of the processes involved in the constitution of new

14 For greater detail about this information’s use, its possibilities and limitations, see Rigotti, 2011. 15 Utilized formula: ((AMG/(PxT+1*PxT)^(0,5)))/t*100); being AMG, Absolute Migratory Growth, and Pxt, Population over x Time.

urban morphologies. Because they have as a characteristic the continuous extension of the urban fabric and the agglutination of other regions through a space of flows, such morphologies (or the city-region as here treated) have a demographic dynamic of their own and inherent to the current stage of Brazilian urbanization. Therefore, the urban configuration that emerges at the end of the 20th century has a greater complexity regarding its apprehension and delimitation when compared to the developmentalist industrial period metropolis. In this regard, as far as the apprehension of its territorial delimitation is concerned, it should not be done only by correlating population growth and territorial continuum expansion, but also through the flows’ reach and their relations, since in this new dynamic the metropolitan territory remains in an expansion process, even in times of population decrease. It should be noted that these are not the causes of the city-region’s formation, however, the revolution in the area of transport and communication favored peri-urban expansion even in times of low population growth and also contributed to the formation of a polycentric region. Therefore, the relations between the various fragments16 that make up the São Paulo City-Region can be evidenced through the flows that interconnect them and give cohesion to this area. It is in this sense that demographic analysis can contribute to the debate about the constitution of new urban forms and examines, through the quantitative analysis of the flows, the complementarity of the fragments that form the City-Region, as well as its axis of expansion. 4.1 Expansion processes The process of Brazilian urbanization was marked by the growth and expressive concentration of population in large cities. In 1940, those cities that had at least 20,000 people, concentrated 85% of the population, but this percentage declined to 46% in 1980. On the other hand, the municipalities with more than 500,000 inhabitants showed growth, the percentage went from 8% (1940) to 32% (1980) (MARTINE, 1994). In the period from 1940 to 1980, metropolitan agglomerates were the ones that grew the most, and were also the recipients of large population contingents, mainly the SPMA that received large migratory flows like those of the

• northeasterners. However, through the 1991 census, a slowdown in the growth of large centers was observed

(BAENINGER, 2011; BAENINGER and PEREZ 2011). Many authors consider that, this phase is characterized by the so-named demetropolization, and is linked to the process of industrial deconcentration and agglomeration diseconomies (ARAUJO, MOURA and DIAS, 2011). For Martine (1994), the cooling of the metropolization was marked by the growth of the metropolis’ peripheralization process. According to Cunha (2003), the 1980’s marked the transformation in the economic, social and demographic dynamics, with refutations in the processes of population spatial redistribution, where new localities and other types of displacements gained importance. Still, for the author, this process of population deconcentration should be read in a specific context, because it is circumscribed to the metropolitan areas of São

16 According to Lencioni (2015) the great urban agglomerates or mega-regions’ formation is characterized is the dispersion of several of the urban fabric’s

• elements. However, the author believes that what provides these agglomerations with unity are the connections, or a system of established

complementarities between the fragments through a flow system.

Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. That is, the process of metropolitan involution must be relativized, since Brazilian metropolises continue to influence the growth of many medium-sized expanding urban centers. Yet, these municipalities are located, to a large extent, in or near metropolitan areas17. Fact demonstrated by Cunha, Alonso e Silva (2015) regarding the state of São Paulo. This population overflow to areas adjacent to the SPMA may indicate an urban integration. In other words, the productive restructuring in the state of São Paulo, and the population spreading initiated by the SPMA, can indicate a strong integration between the areas that participate in this process, as well as a sharing of a productive system, infrastructures and land use which dilates from the SPMA to other regions within a radius

• f 200 km. It should be noted that the state’s industrial structure, present in a set of regions, made the formation
• f central productive systems possible, as well as a strong functional integration between the other regions

(SPMA, CMA, BSMA, PVNCMA, among others) (ARAUJO, 2001). In this sense, the process of industrial deconcentration was marked by changes in population dynamics, in which São Paulo’s countryside started to show higher population growth rates than the metropolis of São Paulo (Table 1) as a result of the population deconcentration process carried out by SPMA (Cano et al, 2007). According to Sposito (2007), the metropolitan and not metropolitan agglomerations, as well as some cities from São Paulo’s countryside had their role and function of redefined centers with this deconcentration. Accordingly, the productive deconcentration defined and was defined by the so-named development axes, which were characterized by the union of the urban network’s center, being interconnected by people and trade flows, but also, beyond the transport routes, connected by air routes, through telephone and fiber optic information routes and amongst other material and informational flows. According to Lencioni (2003), these expansion axes in the state of São Paulo combine the formation of the so-named São Paulo City-Region (SPCR), being connected by flows and the definition of new functions within the city system. Therefore, the formation of this axis presupposes a set of complex activities and a regional complementarity, that along the axes happens directly with SPMA. Table 1 shows the population growth rates’ behavior in the areas that form the São Paulo City-Region (SPCR) in the last 30 years. Through this data we can observe not only the significant concentration of the state

• f São Paulo’s population in this territorial portion (about 75%), but also, the decline in annual population

growth rates in all areas encompassing the SPCR in the 1991/2000 and the 2000/2010 comparisons. However, even with this decrease, the regions that make up the city-region, except for its central nucleus (SPMA), presented a population growth higher than the regional average in the 2000/2010 decade.

17 In this work, the metropolis we have discussed so far would be defined as“great city that possesses superior command and management functions that

are articulated with the global economy, being the gateway to global flows in national territory, where the international interests are anchored and from where they depart, towards the national territory, complexity and modernity vectors”. On the other hand, a metropolitan area would be the surrounding region where the metropolis exerts its influence, that is, “It would be the spatial reach of the commerce and services activities there located”. Finally the metropolitan area is the “institutional definition, related to political agenda and, often motivated by the necessity to organize the territory in regional scale and which pole city is not necessarily a metropolis” (FIRKOWSKI, 2012, p. 37, 23 e 37).

Table 1: Census Residing Population, Urbanization Degree, Population Relative Weight and Population Growth. SP City-Region. 1991, 2000, 2010.

Regions Residing Population Population Growth Urbanization degree (%) Relative Weight over SPMM population (%) Absolute Average Anual Rate (%) 1991 2000 2010 1991/2000 2000/2010 1991/2000 2000/2010 1991 2000 2010 1991 2000 2010 State 31.588.925 37.032.403 41.262.199 5.443.478 4.229.796 1,78 1,09 92,8 93,4 95,9 100,0 100,0 100,0 City-Region 23.015.932 27.217.885 30.517.375 4.201.953 3.299.490 1,88 1,15 96,0 95,1 97,5 72,9 73,5 74,0 SPMA 15.444.941 17.878.703 19.683.975 2.433.762 1.805.272 1,64 0,97 97,8 95,8 98,9 48,9 48,3 47,7 PVNCMA 1.651.594 1.992.110 2.264.594 340.516 272.484 2,10 1,29 91,6 93,0 94,1 5,2 5,4 5,5 CMA 1.866.025 2.338.148 2.797.137 472.123 458.989 2,54 1,81 95,1 97,1 97,4 5,9 6,3 6,8 BSMA 1.220.249 1.476.820 1.664.136 256.571 187.316 2,14 1,20 99,6 99,6 99,8 3,9 4,0 4,0 Piracicaba UA 962.293 1.158.425 1.307.256 196.132 148.831 2,08 1,22 89,9 94,0 95,9 3,0 3,1 3,2 Sorocaba UA 937.476 1.225.020 1.447.331 287.544 222.311 3,02 1,68 91,8 92,7 93,3 3,0 3,3 3,5 Jundiaí UA 467.670 580.131 698.724 112.461 118.593 2,42 1,88 90,5 91,9 95,0 1,5 1,6 1,7 Bragantina MR 265.811 336.247 391.738 70.436 55.491 2,65 1,54 81,8 82,7 89,6 0,8 0,9 0,9 Sao Roque MR 199.873 232.281 262.484 32.408 30.203 1,68 1,23 60,2 57,6 65,5 0,6 0,6 0,6 Source: IBGE, 1991, 2000 and 2010 Demographic Censuses.

It should also be noted that the City-Region as a whole showed a slight increase in relative weight in the analyzed years. This fact was mainly influenced by CMA’s growth, which, in recent years, presented the largest increase in the relative weight of the population over the three analyzed years. Yet, the other regions showed the same or a slightly increased weight, in detriment of the São Paulo Metropolitan Area, which presented a decrease of this weight. In this sense, the population deconcentration of the SPMA, as well as the locations of the other regions

• f the São PauloCity-Region, is portrayed in Figure 2. Some vectors of expansion or a spreading of the regional

arrangement, can be noticed, the secondbeing derived from a peripheralization of these regions, taking into account the average annual growth of municipalities’ increasein the fringes of these regions. It is pointed out that the expansion or growth of the edges of the SPMA began in the developmental industrial period and started to foreshadow the formation of the city-region (DE MATTOS, 2003). However, we should point out that the process of peripheralizationin Brazil is associated to the increasing "urban spoil", which took place based on the massive concentration of the poor and working population in the outlying areas of large urban agglomerations. This complete disorder - which, as Kowarick (1982) shows us, has a logic - has accompanied Brazilian cities’ growth and is related to the real estate capital and its logics of space organization through the value increase of some areas and the devaluation of others, as well as the creation of stock reserves. Still, it should be noted that the socioeconomic transformations in the metropolitan areas, under the effect of globalization and productive restructuring, further boosted the metropolitan borders expansion phenomenon. Therefore, it is must be emphasized that this process can be related to the increase of land price, as well as ofservices’ prices in the big centers, which invariably determines the population and industrial deconcentration of these centers towards the municipalities surrounding them. So, increasingly making way to the agglomeration and interconnection of the SPCR regions, especially in thenorthwest region (Campinas Metropolitan Area and Sorocaba Metropolitan Area, Jundiai Urban Agglomeration and Piracicaba Urban Agglomeration), as observed in Figure 2. Consequently, bearing the previously presented changes in mind, it is important to emphasize that in this new metropolitan framework, old logics of urban space production coexist with current ones. For instance, the center-periphery model, that guided the understanding of urban growth in the second half of the twentieth century, is still present, and coexists with the so-named elitist peripheries. But they are also characterized by the phenomenon’s expansion as far as peripheralizationis concerned, so it is integrated with the current metropolitan dispersion. Hence, the real estate market's logic is focused on the process of spatial redistribution of the population, mainly in intra-agglomerate space (Intra-UA). But we also observe the action of the productive restructuring process on this population redistribution, but in a larger scale than in the intra-UA space.

Figure 2: Vectors of the annual average growth rate per municipality. SP City-Region. 2000 and 2010.

Source: IBGE, 2000 and 2010 Demographic Censuses

It is important to remark that this process of productive restructuring and the population spatial redistribution are related, as Diniz and Diniz (2007) affirm, to the quality of the highway network that the SPCR holds, which enables an intense commute between the City- Region’s spaces, as well as a functional integration between their centers.In addition to this intense commutation, the following sessions will demonstrate, that there is an increase in intraregional migration flows, which may have been influenced by the labor demands restructuring. 4.2 New integration and complementarity logics: the population flows As already reiterated, some metropolises in their metamorphosis process widen and narrow their relations with other localities through the increase of material and immaterial flows. The city-region, in its regional dimension, is characterized by flows of various dimensions, which cross different scales and polarize "a territory that surpasses the main agglomeration and unites other agglomerations and centers of the proximities, as well as rural spaces, in the regional insertion’s conduction in the social division of labor according to the demands of collective production"(MOURA, 2009, p.29). Therefore, the metamorphosed metropolis is characterized by the predominance of the "space of flows

• ver the space of places" (LENCIONI, 2008, p.19)x. To apprehend this new morphology’s formation and

structuring it is necessary to analyze it according to a multiscale view, that is, according to Lencioni (2008), it is essential to analyze this new urban form through the logic of topographic and topological flows18. Although this work is centered on the topographic logic of flows, the apprehension of the city-region in this context, that is, through material flows, is also based on a multiscale vision. On this respect, the multidimensionality of scales to be grasped in this work is related to the metamorphosed metropolis’ various conformation processes according to the material flows. So, if the population’s spatial mobility on the intrametropolitan scale reveals certain logics of urban space production, for instance, the land market in its various forms, the mobility analysis on an interregional scale can evidence processes that are related to productive restructuring by evidencing, for example, the migration or the commuting of certain individuals who are inserted in certain sectors of economic activities. As previously emphasized, the demographic dynamics and, in particular, the population’s spatial mobility phenomenon presented some specificities according to each phase of the Brazilian urbanization process and with the constitution of certain territorialities. In this sense, this work sets off from the assumption that the formation of new urban morphologies in Brazil is related to the changes in the mobility phenomenon, especially to the commuting and short-distance migration increase. Given this panorama, this session will make a brief recapitulation of the transformations that make up the population’s spatial redistribution process, itwill also focus on the trends and changes that mark the population’s spatial mobility phenomenon within the city of São Paulo over the last thirty years. It can be said that due to the progressive fall in fertility that characterized the second half of the twentieth century, migration has further increased its preponderance in the process of population spatial

• redistribution. Nevertheless, in the 1980’s, the large metropolises’ growth was also affected by the significant

drop in migration, in particular by the decrease of large migratory flows, particularly those of the rural-urban type which, as is well known, in the past had set the pace of the migratory phenomenon (CUNHA, 2011, CUNHA, 2015). Still, the decline of the rural-urban migration, generally represented by the larger distance movements, allowed other modalities of mobility to be evidenced, such as urban-urban, intra-state and intrametropolitan migration, which increased the relative weight in our major cities’ growth. In this sense, it is interesting to

• bserve the migratory process’s evolution of the migratory and its weight in the population spatial redistribution

process in the City-Region of São Paulo. It can be seen in Table 2 that the weight of the migration in the CR fell vertiginously, as well as in the entire state of São Pauloover the 1991/2000 and 2000/2010 periods. The exception is in the Campinas Metropolitan Area and in the Jundiai Urban Agglomeration. The first was marked by a significant increase in the migration’s share in population growth, a fact that justifies the significant growth rate that has characterized the region in recent years.

18According to Lencioni (2008) the topographic logic refers to the logic of material flows and remotely links two points, yet the topologic

logic concerns immaterial flows, in other words, the places’ virtual density. The city-region study under these two logics’ hedge happens in a multi-scale perspective, that is, by the diverse flows logic.

It should be noted that the CMA was benefited by the city of São Paulo’s industrial deconcentration, as well as by the industrial park increase in surrounding cities, such as Paulínia, Hortolândia and Indaiatuba. On the

• ther hand, the growth of the Jundiai UA was favored by the proximity to the city of São Paulo, attracting

commuting migrants19. Yet, it can be observed that the SPMA started to have negative migration relative weight, but this fact does not typify the region as unattractive from the migratory standpoint, since it continues to be the region that receives the largest number of migrants in absolute terms. However, the SPMA in the current period is demarcated by strong population distribution endogenous potential which means that at the same time that it receives an expressive flow of interstate immigrants, it also redistributes its population to the municipalities and urban agglomerations around them through intrametropolitan flows, intra-city-region and intra-state. Therefore, what was observed in Table 2 is that migration has a preponderant role in some of the agglomerates that make up the SPCR’s population growth. However, it is necessary to analyze which migratory modality has more relevance in this growth; in this sense, the analysis of the migration composition distribution by migratory modalities can give us an indication of the complementarity between the regions when analyzing the migratory exchanges through the flow modality. The increase in intraregional migration and its participation in population growth, as an example, elucidates the importance of migratory exchanges within the city-region for its structuring. Graphs 1 and 2 show the migration’s composition according to migratory modality over the 1995/2000 and 2005/2010 periods, for selected metropolitan areas of the São Paulo City-Region20. Table 2: Migration growth, relative weight, migratory balances and rates.SP City-Region.1991, 2000 and 2010.

Regions Migration Migration's relative weight Migratory Balance Annual Average Rate 1991/2000 2000/2010 1991/2000 2000/2010 1991/2000 2000/2010 State 1.326.987 472.650 0,43 0,12 24,38 11,17 City-Regions 1.024.398 290.570 0,45 0,10 24,38 8,81 SPMA 219.591

• 299.680

0,15

• 0,16

9,02

• 16,60

PVNCMA 111.222 65.690 0,68 0,31 32,66 24,11 CMA 237.897 231.940 1,27 0,91 50,39 50,53 BSMA 118.035 50.170 0,98 0,32 46,00 26,78 Piracicaba UA 84.411 51.990 0,89 0,42 43,04 34,93 Sorocaba UA 146.070 102.790 1,51 0,77 50,80 46,24 Jundiaí UA 52.416 56.330 1,12 0,88 46,61 47,50 Bragantina MR 36.648 25.400 1,36 0,70 52,03 45,77 Sao Roque MR 18.108 5.940 0,93 0,24 55,88 19,67

Source: IBGE, Demographic 1991, 2000 and 2010 censuses.

As an example, when analyzing the migration composition by migratory modalities, it can be seen that SPMA has always worked the "gateway" for interstate immigrants in São Paulo State. In Graphs 1 and 2, we

19 This phenomenon will be further analyzed ahead. 20 We must remark that some of our analysis will be made solely for some of the selected metropolitan areas. Once these are the CR’s

main areas, and clearly evidence complementarity relations, through population flows, towards the CR. Consequently, the analyzed MAs are: SPMA, CMA, BSMA and PVNCMA.

gatherthat the interstate flows are preponderant in this region. Although, between 2000 and 2010 intra-UA migration (between the regions that compose the CR) has gained relative weight, due to the reduction of interstate flows. In other words, the migratory modalities analysis between the periods is relevant, once it allows us to observe the change of the interstate movements’ preponderance to those of shorter distance. Graph 1 and 2 Migration composition per migratory modality. Selected Metropolitan Areas, 1995/2000 and 2005/2010. 1995/2000 2005/2010

Source: IBGE, 2000 and 2010 Demographic Censuses

The relevance that the population movements have acquired in this regional space is glaring.That is, the increase in migration between the municipalities that make up the São Paulo City-region, may indicate a complementarity relationship between thefragments that make up this unit. It raises the question that individuals residing in SPCR21, with the advancement of the metropolization processand the labor market sharing through the process of productive restructuring, widen the spectrum of their living space, as well as the possibility of migrating to other areas within the City-Region. Figure 3 demonstrates the complementarity between SPCR areas in demonstrating the migration flows between regions. We gather that part of these flows occurs between the SPMA and the other regions, that is, the Metropolitan Area if São Paulo becomes a node in this expanded metropolitan complex. Nevertheless, when analyzing the flows between the two periods, we can see the increase in flows between other regions besides the SPMA, for example, between Campinas and Sorocaba.

21 This premise is a work hypothesis, raised here, that must be further investigated through the profiling of those that migrate and

commuting within the City-Region. Since the sociodemographic and economic characterization allows clarification of the structures and conditions of this morphology’s formation.

Figure 3: Migratory flows above 3 thousand people between the regions. São Paulo City-region, 1995-2000 and 2005-2010.

Source: IBGE, 1991, 2000 and 2010 Demographic Censuses

Another flow that can demonstrate and reflectthe integration of this dispersed morphology is thecommuting (Lencioni 2006 and Parr 2003). This movement typology has acquired increasing visibility in big cities over the last decades, given its association tothe transport and circulation routes demands, focusing decisively on the daily operation and the strategic projection of the cities, both forpeople and businesses. These flows of people carried out in the daily life are the ones that make it possible to capture the relations dynamics between the various parts that make up the city-region. Table 3 shows the volume and relative weight of commuting over the Active Age Population (AAP) for some of the regions of the São PauloCity-region for the 2000 and 2010 periods:

Table 3: Volume and relative weight of commuting over the Resident in the region’s Active Age Population (AAP). State of São Paulo’s Metropolitan areas, 2000 and 2010.

Source: IBGE, 2000 and 2010 Demographic Censuses.

In this table, we can observe the increase in the number of people that commutes in all the regions

• analyzed. Note that the highest volume of commuters is registered in the SPMA, which is obviously linked to the

region’s population size. However, contextualizing this information, in other words, considering the weight of this type of movement among active-age individuals, it becomes clear that this phenomenon is stronger in the Campinas and Baixada Santista Metropolitan Areas. Even if it must be considered that such movements occur much more frequently within the intrametropolitan territory it is very clear that they occur at different scales and in the case of SPCR the phenomenon is quite significant. Thus, the increase in SPMA external mobility- variation of more than 210% in the 10 years of analysis - and of the internal mobility in the CR as a whole - more than 107% of variation (Table 4) – is an interesting process. Accordingly, more than an intrametropolitan integration, these data also show an increase in commuting between the regions that comprise the CR, since the external mobility had a greater variation in the analyzed period than the internal migration in the SPMM,CMA, SPMA and BSMA. As mentioned above, from the demographic point of view, in general, and the people flows standpoint, in particular, the regional complementarity to which we draw attention would tend to express itself through two major dimensions: the land market and the labor market. In the first case, it is believed that the intense and expanding residential mobility would be the element that would best characterize this phenomenon. Still, in the second case, that is, in the labor market, the commuting between regions would certainly best reflect that condition.

Regions Commuting 2000 2010 Variation (%) Internal External Total Internal External Total Internal External Total CMA 134.796 35.543 171.033 241.077 70.915 311.992 78,85% 99,52% 82,42% SPMA 1.015.221 89.162 1.108.691 1.663.374 278.627 1.942.001 63,84% 212,50% 75,16% BSMA PVNCMA 102.380 25.451 128.064 160.346 40.677 201.023 56,62% 59,82% 56,97% 63.028 21.103 84.621 115.556 34.041 149.597 83,34% 61,31% 76,78% Others MP Total 99.731 61.557 162.253 207.299 114.311 321.610 107,86% 85,70% 98,22% 1.415.156 232.816 1.654.662 2.387.652 538.571 2.926.223 68,72% 131,33% 76,85%

Table 4: Internal, external and total commuting volume and variation of São Paulo Metropolitan Area and municipalities,São Paulo City-Region, 2000 and 2010.

Source: IBGE - 2000 and 2010 Demographic Censuses.

To support this proposition, Table 5 was constructed, which crosses the migratory and commuting condition of individuals. From these data wegather, on the one hand, that migration originating from the MA (intrametropolitan) itself seems to be more intensely motivated by the housing issue, since the percentage of people who, although having changed municipalities, still work in that of the previous residence; this percentage varies from 18,3% in the SPMA to 34,6% in the PVNCMA22. In the case of migrants who move to other regions of the SPCR, the situation is different since most of them start working in the destination municipality. Nevertheless, even so, it is another situation when analyzing the SPMA countryside, that is, the CMA, BSMA and PVNCMA. In fact, in these cases, especially of theCMA and BSMA, the percentage of people who even having moved from region to region still work outside it is quite significant, reaching values close to 35% in Campinas, and 21% in the Baixada Santista. The table still shows some elements of interest for this study’s argument. In Baixada Santista’s case, almost 15% of the active age migrants who moved to the region still worked in the municipality of origin. In the case of Campinas, although this percentage is lower, the volume of those working in a municipality outside the region is also very significant.

22 This percentage corresponds to the sum of “2005 municipality” and “other municipality”, categories that refer to areas located outside

• f the destination metropolitan area.

Regions Commuting Volume AAP Percentage 2000 2010 2000 2010 CMA 171.033 311.992 9,8 14,02 SPMA 1.108.691 1.942.001 8,4 12,65 BSMA 128.064 201.023 11,7 15,51 PVNCMA 84.621 149.597 5,9 8,50 Other CR 162.253 321.610 6,3 9,80 Total 1.654.662 2.926.216 9,5 14,18

Table 5: Fixed-date migrant of working age per modality and group of working municipalities origin, perSão Paulo state metropolitan areas. São PauloCity-Region, 2010.

Migratory Modality Work Municipality Region in 2010 Total SPMA CMA BSMA PVNCMA Intrametro- politan Same Municipality 42 40 40,8 69,2 43,9 2005 municipality 34,6 30,6 33,7 18,3 32,8 MA Municipality 20,5 3,7 18,1 8 17,5 Other Municipality 2,9 25,7 7,4 4,5 5,8 Subtotal 127.776 18.422 12.274 13.850 172.321 Intra- SPMM Same Municipality 78,4 53,5 66,6 79,8 67,8 2005 municipality 2,7 6 14,7 5,8 7 MA Municipality 15,2 11,9 12,4 8,4 12,4 Other Municipality 3,6 28,7 6,3 6 12,9 Subtotal 18.243 21.106 14.225 10.195 63.769 Others SP state Same Municipality 80,1 66,3 72,6 83,7 75,4 2005 municipality 1,1 1,5 2,7 1,4 1,4 MA Municipality 15 12,7 16,9 7,4 13,9 Other Municipality 3,8 19,5 7,8 7,5 9,3 Subtotal 14.244 8.540 2.367 1.836 26.988 Interstate (*) Same Municipality 83,2 66,1 72,3 87,4 80,5 2005 municipality 0,4 1 0,7 0,7 0,5 MA Municipality 14 15,2 21,6 6,7 14 Other Municipality 2,4 17,7 5,3 5,2 4,9 Subtotal 124.497 24.295 8.928 13.071 170.792 Total 284.760 72.363 37.795 38.951 433.869

Source: IBGE - 2000 and 2010 Demographic Censuses.

Finally, particularly for these two regions (CMA and SPMA) that have more connection with the SPMA, the city-region constitution process described and defended here seems to be taking shape with some intensity from the population standpoint. It must be remembered, however, that what we see today or since the 2000’s is probably only the harbinger of a process that is booming and gaining momentum in the coming decades. That is, what can be gathered from the analyzed data, may be only the beginning of a new phase of the state of São Paulo’s urban metropolitan complex growth and expansion process.

Final remarks: Analyzing several authors, such as Lencioni (2011b), Diniz and Diniz (2007), among others, this work

• bserves that the formationof a new urban morphology, such asthe city-region of São Paulo is a remarkable fact,

and it foreshadows the finding elaborated by Borjas and Castells (1997). The authors observed that the formation

• f cities in the contemporary world would be demarcated by diffuse and dispersed agglomerations, scattered

through large transport routes integrating large cities, small municipalities, peri-urban, rural and interstitial areas. Integrating in this set, regions with different functionsbeing demarcated by the intensity of several types of flows, mainly informational ones. Concerning the region’s integration, the population spatial mobility, mainly the commuting flows, delineate this regional complementarity. Population growth rates showed an increase of regions and peripheral municipalities in relation to regional headquarters and metropolitan areas. The migratory flows showed a complementarity of the listed metropolitan areas with the SPMA, as well as the commutingflows. However, as has already been reiterated, it should be pointed out that all these flows are related to different dynamics of space production, that still integrate thecourse of the metropolization process expansion. As pointed out, this study does not intend to be conclusive and much less an in-depth discussion about the constitution of a new urban form in the State of São Paulo. Notwithstanding, we sought to contribute to the debate both in order to corroborate studies that show the configuration of a new urbanization phase in São Paulo, and to defend that the demographic dimension is essential to the full understanding of the entire process. There is no doubt that what was possible to delineate is only part of thephenomenon’s complexity and, more than that, perhaps only its beginning. Older generations witnessed the Bandeirantes Highway’s construction, linking São Paulo to Campinas (now extended beyond) in the 1970’s, and traveled the Anchieta Highway linking the capital to Santos. For this older demographic, to come across extension of lanes and accesses on the first one, and to experience the modern Immigrants Highway that came to replace the second, today, perhaps is easy to imagine how the relations between these cities and their regions have changed and what can be expected for the future. References:

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iTranslator’s note: The original term here was ‘mancha urbana’, which literally means ‘urban stain’ as it relates to the cartographic representation of an

urban area and is often utilized to depict its growth. Urban sprawl has a close meaning in English but still, it is important to remark that its connotation of peripheral growth does not apply here, as it refers to the entirety of the urban area.

ii TN: Macrometropolis is a term specifically utilized to refer to the urban configuration of São Paulo. iii TN: Our translation, from the Brazilian edition. iv TN: Our translation, from the Brazilian edition. v TN: Our translation, from the Brazilian edition. vi TN: Our translation, from the Brazilian edition. vii TN: Our translation, from the Brazilian edition. viiiTN: IBGE is the Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics. ix TN: Our translation, from the Brazilian edition. x TN: Our translation, from the Brazilian edition.